The International Court of Justice’s hearings (2024 December 2) (txt) on the Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change, did something very powerful by framing climate in the context of political self-determination using the rights-based mechanisms of the UN Charter to ignite the intersections of international law and climate accountability. Despite growing legal recognition of the obligations states hold in preventing environmental harm, the persistent influence of economic self-interest and the selective application of international law—particularly by powerful nations like the United States—undermines meaningful solutions. The tension between legal frameworks, such as the UNFCCC, and their capture by monied interests demonstrates how climate governance has become entangled in systems that perpetuate inequality and post-colonial (now eco-neoliberal), ecological destruction.
Here are my summaries of the testimony by the government of the Republic of Vanuatu and representatives of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).
Ralph Regenvanu, representing Vanuatu and the Melanesian Spearhead Group, addressed the International Court of Justice, emphasizing the urgency of climate change and its existential threat to nations like Vanuatu. He highlighted the crisis caused by anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, underscoring the inadequacy of past actions to address this known problem. Regenvanu called on the Court to determine the legality of states’ actions contributing to climate change, pointing to violations of international law and the disproportionate burden placed on vulnerable nations. He stressed that only a few states are responsible for the majority of emissions, while nations like Vanuatu face severe consequences. The representative urged the Court to declare these actions unlawful, demand their cessation, and require reparations. He concluded by calling the case one of the most consequential in human history, imploring the Court to act decisively to protect future generations.
Attorney General Arnold Loughman of Vanuatu underscored the role of international law in addressing climate change and holding states accountable. He emphasized his constitutional duty to uphold the rights, freedoms, and sovereignty of Vanuatu, which are now under threat due to external actions. Despite Vanuatu’s negligible contribution to global emissions, the nation faces severe impacts that undermine its constitutional rights and self-determination. Loughman argued that states have clear obligations under international law to prevent environmental harm, reduce emissions, and uphold human rights. The failure of major emitters to meet these obligations constitutes a wrongful act. He called on the Court to affirm these violations and hold states accountable, stressing the survival of vulnerable nations like Vanuatu depends on decisive action.
Ilan Kiloe, speaking on behalf of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, highlighted the devastating impact of climate change on Melanesian communities. He described the cultural and spiritual unity of Melanesia, where people are intrinsically linked to their landscapes and ecosystems. Climate change has unraveled this connection, threatening the physical survival of communities and dismantling their governance systems, livelihoods, and cultural identities. Kiloe shared testimonies of loss from across Melanesia, detailing how climate change violates the right to self-determination, especially for colonized and non-self-governing peoples like the Kanak people of New Caledonia, West Papua, and Torres Strait Islanders. He stressed that the climate crisis perpetuates the historical injustice of colonial exploitation. Kiloe urged the Court to affirm the illegality of actions responsible for these harms and provide legal remedies to ensure the survival and dignity of Melanesian peoples.
Julian Aguon (Blue Ocean Law) emphasized the critical role of the right to self-determination in international law and how climate change violates this right. He described self-determination as fundamental, encompassing the right of peoples to determine their political status and pursue economic, social, and cultural development. Aguon explained how climate change has eroded self-determined ways of life in Melanesia, displacing communities, destroying resources, and threatening the existence of entire territories. He argued that states responsible for climate change have violated their obligations under international law, and self-determination must be understood dynamically to protect peoples at risk. Highlighting the cultural and spiritual significance of ancestral lands, Aguon called on the Court to reaffirm the rule of law and protect the right to self-determination for Melanesian peoples and humanity as a whole.
Professor Jorge Viñuales addressed the Court on the historical and ongoing failures of states to meet their obligations to prevent climate change and protect the environment. He outlined how a small number of states have contributed the majority of greenhouse gas emissions over the last 170 years, violating legal principles of due diligence and environmental protection. Viñuales cited international legal precedents affirming states’ obligations to prevent harm and reduce emissions. However, major emitters have expanded fossil fuel production and consumption, undermining these obligations. He described this conduct as a serious violation of international law, likening it to recognizing murder as unlawful while permitting genocide. Viñuales urged the Court to hold states accountable for their failures, emphasizing the catastrophic consequences for humanity and the planet.
Professor Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh focused on the legal consequences of states’ violations of international law related to climate change. She explained that actions such as issuing fossil fuel licenses and failing to regulate emissions constitute internationally wrongful acts. The principle of state responsibility requires that these violations have consequences, including cessation of harmful conduct, assurances of non-repetition, and reparations. Wewerinke-Singh emphasized the importance of holding responsible states accountable through proportional reparations, such as ecosystem restoration and compensation for irreversible harm. She highlighted the need for international cooperation to support small island states affected by climate change and to ensure justice. Wewerinke-Singh concluded by urging the Court to apply the law of state responsibility decisively to protect victims and address the global climate crisis.
Cynthia Houniuhi, delivered a heartfelt address on the existential threat posed by climate change and the failure of major emitters to act. Speaking as a custodian of her community’s ancestral memory, she emphasized the sacred connection between her people in the Solomon Islands and their land and environment. Climate change threatens to sever these ties, undermining their ability to protect the environment for future generations. Houniuhi criticized large-emitting states for perpetuating the crisis through fossil fuel production, turning international agreements like the Paris Agreement into tools benefiting polluters. She expressed the profound consequences of this inaction, jeopardizing the future of youth and vulnerable communities. Houniuhi called on the Court to hold major emitters accountable, restore hope, and guide humanity toward addressing this monumental challenge.
US withdrawal from the ICJ
As we have seen with the ongoing genocide in Palestine by Israel, the ICJ has no binding authority over countries that have either not ratified, or have withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice , with the most prominent being the United States, which effectively ceased to recognize ICJ jurisdiction after the Court ruled against it in the 1986 Nicaragua case. The U.S. withdrawal and other similar actions by states illustrate a deep tension in international law: the ICJ’s authority relies on voluntary consent, meaning that countries can opt out if rulings conflict with their national interests. While the ICJ can issue binding rulings for states that accept its jurisdiction, those rulings lack enforceability for non-parties like the United States. This undermines the universality of international law and weakens global frameworks, particularly in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, where the United States is by far the largest offender of climate abuse.
The United States’ non-participation in ICJ proceedings creates a paradoxical imbalance. Other member states remain bound by ICJ rulings, potentially exposing themselves to legal obligations and reparative measures, while the U.S. operates outside this framework. Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh’s critique highlights how international institutions like the UNFCCC, intended as vehicles for collective action, have been compromised by large emitters and financial interests. This “capture” has turned these mechanisms into spaces that serve corporate and polluter agendas, sidelining meaningful reforms and diluting their capacity to hold states accountable. This is not a failure of international law or the UN Charter but rather the result of institutional weaknesses exploited by monied interests.
Climate Capture by the Investor-State
The capture of climate policy by the investor-state system is particularly significant. It reflects a broader phenomenon where binding trade agreements and investor-state dispute mechanisms frame climate action in terms of market-driven solutions like carbon credits, offsets, and trading schemes, ultimately reinforcing extractive systems. Intemerate accounting tries to offer solution-based approaches that circumvent the chokehold that the investor-state has on sound climate policy, offering a pathway to recalibrate this imbalance by shifting focus from these commodified metrics to ecological and social well-being. Unlike accounting schemes that can only monetize and exploit nature, intemerate accounting recalibrates the valuation of ecosystems based on their intrinsic and relational importance. By introducing variables that align economic activity with ecological restoration and community resilience, economies and corporations should be compelled to account for real-world environmental impacts rather than perpetuating harm through abstract legal frameworks.
From an international trade perspective, altering national accounting systems have transformative potential. It can reshape how climate financing and trade rules are structured, ensuring that resources flow directly to projects that enhance ecological stewardship rather than supporting extractive practices under the guise of “green growth.” By quantifying environmental and social costs within an accounting matrix, intemerate offsets might challenge the investor-state system to take accountability for its role in perpetuating ecological harm. This system could, for instance, redirect subsidies away from fossil fuel production toward regenerative initiatives or enforce liability for historical emissions through reparative trade and financial mechanisms. Furthermore, it introduces a voluntary participatory framework that empowers communities—especially in the Global South—to set their own ecological targets and define success on their terms.
Reset National Accounting
The intersection of international law and investor-state systems is critical. While institutions like the ICJ can theoretically declare the obligations of states under climate law, these enforcement gaps highlight the structural limitations of legal frameworks in confronting investor-state dominance. Programs like Intemerate accounting sidestep this gap by embedding justice and equity into the mechanisms of trade and investment, reframing climate action as a matter of ecological repair and social equity rather than market expansion. Moreover, it shifts the narrative away from profit-driven solutions to one rooted in solidarity with the most vulnerable communities, who have borne the brunt of climate change but have been sidelined in crafting its remedies.
Ultimately, the failures of frameworks like the UNFCCC are not inherent to international law but the result of systemic imbalances that privilege investor-state interests over ecological and social necessity. Intemerate accounting provides a way to redress these imbalances by challenging the investor-state system’s role in perpetuating climate inaction. It offers not only a critique of the current structures but also a forward-looking blueprint for transforming how we approach climate policy and trade in an era of ecological crisis.
Vanuatu is years ahead of other countries and the Melanesian Well-Being Indicators have already laid the foundation for how we account for Well-Being. Adjusting these indicators towards a value framework that can modulate national accounts is the next step.
BRICS+
The emergence of a new international trade currency by BRICS+ countries offers a transformative opportunity to reshape the foundations of global trade and finance. Unlike systems dominated by Wall Street and commodity markets, which often prioritize profit over people and exploit natural resources, this new paradigm can align trade practices with the intrinsic well-being of communities. By focusing on ecological markets that value resilience, environmental stewardship, and social equity, this shift could challenge the extractive systems that have historically dispossessed indigenous, poor, displaced, and vulnerable communities.
BRICS+ nations, with their diverse geographies and strong histories of treaty compliance, have the potential to champion a framework rooted in international law and ecological justice. This approach prioritizes long-term sustainability and the restoration of ecological systems over the short-term gains of resource extraction. Ecological markets in this context could redefine the metrics of trade, valuing not only the tangible outputs of communities but also their knowledge systems, biodiversity contributions, and cultural practices that sustain environmental health.
This shift toward ecological markets represents more than just an economic opportunity; it is a moral imperative. It challenges the neoliberal orthodoxy that places economic growth above all else and insists on a model of development that uplifts the most vulnerable. By decoupling trade currencies from exploitative commodity valuations, BRICS+ countries could pave the way for global economic systems that respect and protect the rights of indigenous and at-risk populations while fostering a healthier relationship with the planet.
Such a transition requires a robust regulatory framework to ensure that these markets are not co-opted by financial interests and remain rooted in the principles of fairness, equity, and sustainability. Intemerate accounting, with its emphasis on valuing ecological and social well-being, could serve as a cornerstone of this framework, ensuring that the new trade systems genuinely benefit communities rather than perpetuate cycles of dispossession and exploitation.